Mélange dhistoire des religions, pdf download free

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Video Audio icon An illustration of an audio speaker. No comments:. Newer Post Older Post Home. Subscribe to: Post Comments Atom. Popular Posts. La Guerre des Duchesses 2 de Juliette Benzoni 3. Boyle, J. Navarro Caballero and J. Roddaz eds. Bordeaux , , discusses the consequences of this strategy, to create a specifically Flavian Rome, in the provinces. I am grateful to Ellen Bradshaw Aitken for pointing this out to me.

It is especially the work of Duncan Fishwick that has given clear chronological shape to the development of this type of cult during the empire, based on literary as well as archaeological and in particular inscriptional evidence. Stress is laid on the presence. The dominus et deus Suet. His throne of Duncan Fishwick, The imperial cult in the Latin west: Studies in the ruler cult of the western provinces of the Roman Empire.

III: 1. EPRO Meletemata Athens , 84 for a new routine of dedications in Greece. See Clauss , f. Publius Papinius Statius: Silvae. Loeb Classical Library Cambridge: Harvard University Press, A radiant crown Plin. This is very much a provincial perspective, the presence of the emperor being reduced to statues.

Statues played an important role at Rome, too, but they served to enforce a presence of an emperor personally visible on many occasions, to the few as to the populace.

Religious language and devotion is a genuine means of answering to this, the top of rhetorical flattery and genuine admiration, grateful and awesome at the same time. Honouring somebody above average meant to get to the inventory of honouring the gods, to replace bronze by gold statues, to move the statue inside a temple, to compare actions not with other human ones but with those of the gods.

Glamour and eccentricity, visibility and arrogance might have put off members of the old elites and some intellectuals — criticism and executions are attested and elite historiographers like Tacitus indulged in such opposition and make us love their narratives and insinuations.

In such a perspective, imperial cult should not be seen in isolation. For the emperors, receiving cult and performing cult are necessary complements. Piety and religious activities indicated the See K. Filling religious roles was, as I have shown in the beginning, part of the stock of public political roles, even before the imperial age.

The competition with precursors and possible co-runners led to modification, intensification and innovation. Augustus filled and stressed a wide range of religious roles, not all related to priestly functions: The important role of the emperor as performer of sacrifice was not usually dependent on a sacerdotal office.

Whereas the other priestly colleges stressed equality—and hence forced the emperor to communicate by letters and reduce their presence to rare occasions as secular games this holds true for the Quindecimviri sacris faciundis —the pontifex maximus could act on his own on many occasions. A century of principate had made it the prerogative of the emperor and the only religious office visible in standard titulature.

Severe problems remained: the visibility of the role was, as I have shown, restricted and had to be realized by actions both cruel and spectacular such as punishing Vestals. Very few passages name the pontificate of the emperor who is gratefully addressed for the transferral of the consulate , but the three of them are highly significant. Imperator ergo et Caesar et Augustus pontifex maximus stetit ante gremium consulis, seditque consul principe ante se stante et sedit inturbatus interritus et tamquam ita fieri soleret Plin.

An important strategy in this as in earlier panegyrics, see ibid. In other passages Pliny uses the adjectival force of augustus, he plays with the comparative augustior 8. It is the priestly office that removes the emperor from the world of ordinary man more than anything else. Quid enim illa sanctius, quid antiquius? Nonne si pontifici maximo eligenda sit coniunx, aut hanc aut similem What could by more blameless than her, what more having the virtues of old?

If the supreme pontiff had to choose a wife, he would have elected her or a similar. Pliny implies that among all offices held by Traian, it is the supreme pontificate that involves the highest standards and hence is suitable to judge whether the wife is matching the qualities of the emperor. These observations are confirmed in the final prayer to Iuppiter c. Referring to the adoption by Nerva AD , Pliny formulates: Tu voce imperatoris [id est Nervae] quid sentires locutus, filium illi nobis parentem tibi pontificem maximum elegisti Avoiding functional political terms, it is the concept of being a son that describes the most intimate relationship to the predecessor, the concept of fatherhood—of course referring to the official title of pater patriae— religion Biblically used in 1 Macc Such a reference would not be exceptional.

Without laying stress on these passages, Koester has pointed to a number of passages Levene , Nauta , for topoi dealing with honorific speeches and poetry. Koester , Philip Edgcumbe Hughes.

A commentary on the Epistle to the Hebrews. In fact, the sermon starts with titulature, onoma 1. Jesus makes new ways metaphorically as Domitian especially in his last years did literally The heavenly sanctuary tes skenes tes alethines, 8.

Perhaps even the—now I quote the Latin of the Vulgata-testamenti sponsor 7. To develop a Jesuology of a heavenly priestly office replies to a recent political development, but concentrates on an aspect that would allow to frame the derogative comparison of the emperor—a potentially capital crime-in a strictly religious language. Focussing on the supreme pontificate of the emperor recently stressed by Frederick Fyvie Bruce ed.

Revised Edition. Michigan , Priestly offices are compared. The fact that already the dim tradition of Melchisedek combined a priestly office with kingship may have invited the choice of it.

At the same time this office, temporarily obliterated by Titus, had to be transgressed towards an incomparable heavenly office, held by the son of god, Iesus dei filius. Domitian, by all means, was born in second place, only. Confronting Jesus and the living emperor of course for reasons of criminal law never referred to explicitly or even by name , however, need not and could not lead to a concurrence in megalomania.

Rhetorically, just the opposite could be useful. We do not speak of a tyrant, but of a citizen, not of a lord, but of a father. To the contrary, compassion and closeness was an argument. Otherwise, Pliny would not have dwelled on it in crucial passages of his speech. It might be noted that the earliest testimony of reception, 1 Clemens, uses the high priest title of Jesus Christus in the phrase archiereus kai prostates, in Latin: Pontifex et patronus In using the title of high priest, Clemens Romanus obviously associated the combination of contemporary roles realized by the emperor.

It is not a result, but a more fully elaborated version of my thesis that is going to conclude my argumentation. Gelardini a,